Assignment Code: MDV-102/TMA/2021-22

Course Code: MDV-102

Assignment Name: Dynamics of Development

Year: 2021-2022

Verification Status: Verified by Professor

Marks: 100

Q1) What do you mean by Change Process? Discuss the Stages of Change?

Ans) Change is seen as neutral in intellectual circles. It suggests that the thing to which it is applied changes over time. According to this viewpoint, social change implies the absence of any law, theory, direction, or continuity. When we refer to social change as a process, we introduce the concept of continuity. A process is defined as a continuous change that occurs in a predictable manner as a result of the activity of forces present in the situation from the beginning. Communication, socialisation, accommodation, integration, disintegration, competition, and conflict are examples of processes. We examine a series of transitions between one state of being and another to study a process. A process can go up or down, forward, or backward, forward, or backward, forward or backward, forward or backward, forward or backward. It can also be progressive or regressive.

As a result, the term "process" refers to a methodical progression from one stage to the next. A process has the ability to both sustain and modify a system. Some mechanisms of social change can rejuvenate a particular social system or social structure, whilst other processes can result in malfunctioning and disintegration. We come across social processes frequently in system-sustaining and system-changing exercises since they are an element of social structure. In general, there are two sorts of social change processes: those that maintain the social system and those that cause change in the system and system change. Conformity, status quo, and continuity are terms that might be used to describe the first procedure. The latter is referred to as the cultural and structural change process. Social change is a universal phenomenon. Its pattern and variables may change over time and from location to location.

Change can be measured in terms of time and history in connection to a particular society or social phenomenon. "Society exists solely as a time-sequence," Maciver and Page remark in this regard. It is a process and dynamic equilibrium of present interactions, not a being." A nexus of current relationships is a social structure. It is sustained by its members who engage in social interactions. Change in social structure is referred to as social change. Social change in modern society can be seen in changes in social values, institutions, property relations, economic pursuits, personnel, and role distribution. In terms of time, space, and context, social change is always relative. Resistance to social change is widespread because it disrupts the existing social order and relationships.

Stages of Change

The Stages of Change Model was created by James Prochaska and Carlo DiClemente at the University of Rhode Island in the late 1970s and early 1980s when they were researching how smokers were able to quit. Weight loss, injury avoidance, and overcoming alcohol and drug addictions are just a few of the behaviours that have been studied using the SCM paradigm. The SCM is based on the premise that changing one's behaviour does not happen overnight. People, on the other hand, tend to go through stages on their road to making a successful shift. Furthermore, we all proceed through the stages at our own pace. So expecting behaviour change by merely informing someone in the 'pre-contemplation' stage that he or she must attend a specific number of meetings in a certain amount of time is foolish (and possibly counterproductive) because they are not ready to change. Each individual must choose when a stage is complete and when it is ready to move on to the next level. Furthermore, this decision must be made internally. Long-term reform cannot be forced from the outside. A person must deal with a different set of challenges and activities associated with altering behaviour at each level.

The stages of transformation are:

Precontemplation: People aren't thinking about changing and aren't interested in any form of support at this point. People in this stage are more likely to defend their present poor habit(s) and see them as a solution rather than a problem. When other individuals try to persuade them to quit, they may become defensive. They don't concentrate on quitting and don't talk about their bad habit with others. This stage is known as 'denial.'

Contemplation: People who are in the contemplation stage are more conscious of the personal repercussions of their poor habit and spend more time thinking about it. They are capable of considering the potential of change, but they are ambivalent about it. People are on a teetertotter at this point, weighing the benefits and drawbacks of stopping or changing their behaviour. They may wonder that the long-term benefits of quitting will outweigh the short-term expenses, even considering the negative features of their unhealthy habit and the beneficial aspects of giving it up (or lessening). The pondering stage can take as little as a few weeks or as long as a lifetime to complete. In fact, some people worry and think about quitting their harmful habit until they die, never having progressed beyond this point. On the plus side, people are more receptive to learning about their negative habit and are more inclined to adopt educational interventions and reflect on their own feelings and ideas about it.

Preparation/Determination: People have made a commitment to change during the preparation/determination stage. Statements like "I've got to do something about this – this is serious" demonstrate their want to change. Something needs to shift. "What am I supposed to do?" People are now taking baby efforts toward quitting, which is similar to a research period. They're trying to figure out what they'll need to do to change their behaviour (sometimes by reading items like this). Alternatively, they may phone a number of clinics to see what tactics and resources are available to assist them in their endeavour. Too frequently, people skip this step and try to jump straight from thought to action, only to fall flat on their faces because they haven't sufficiently researched or understood what it will take to make such a significant lifestyle change.

Action/Willpower: This is the stage at which people believe they have the potential to change their behaviour and are actively engaged in changing their harmful habits utilising a range of strategies. The shortest of all the stages is this one. People spend varying amounts of time in action. This is the period when people rely on their own willpower the most. They are the most at risk of relapse since they are making overt efforts to quit or improve a behaviour. Mentally, they assess their commitment to themselves and devise strategies to deal with personal and environmental challenges that may cause them to falter. They might utilise short-term rewards to keep themselves motivated, and they might assess their behaviour change attempts in a way that boosts their self-esteem. People in this stage are also more open to receiving aid and more inclined to seek help from others (an essential factor). People will hopefully then progress to the next stage.

Maintenance: The ability to successfully ignore any temptations to revert to the discarded undesirable habit is required for maintenance. The maintenance stage's purpose is to keep the new status quo in place. At this time, people tend to remind themselves of how far they've come. Maintenance clients are continually reformulating their life rules and learning new techniques to deal with life and avoid relapse. They can predict instances when a relapse might occur and plan coping methods ahead of time. They never lose sight of the fact that what they are pursuing is personally desirable and significant. They are patient with themselves and understand that letting rid of old habits and practising new ones takes time until the new habits become second nature. They fight temptation and stay on course, even when they have thoughts of returning to their previous bad habits.

Relapse: Most people relapse on their route to permanent cessation or sustained reduction of a problematic habit. In fact, having at least one relapse is far more prevalent than not having one. Relapse is frequently accompanied by sentiments of hopelessness and self-loathing. While relapsing is disheartening, the majority of people who stop do not pursue a clear route to a life free of self-destructive addictions. Rather, they go through the five stages multiple times before settling on a new way of life. As a result, the Stages of Change Model regards relapse as typical. Relapses, in fact, can be valuable chances for learning and strengthening. When you relapse, it's like falling off a horse; the greatest thing you can do is get back on. If you do "fall off the horse" and relapse, it's critical that you don't return to the precontemplation or contemplation stages. Restart the process at the preparation, action, or even maintenance stages instead.

Transcendence: If you 'maintain maintenance' for a long enough time, you will eventually be able to work with your emotions and understand and interpret your own behaviour in a new manner. This is the 'transcendence' stage, when you are transitioning to a new life. Not only is your terrible habit no longer a vital part of your life, but returning to it would feel odd, abnormal, and even strange to you at this point. When you reach this point in your transition process, you will know that you have transcended your previous harmful habits and are actually evolving into a new "you," who is no longer dependent on your old behaviour to survive.

Q2) What is the role of Market and State in Development? What do you understand by Market and Government failure?

Ans) Role of Market and State in Development

A market is an organisation that facilitates voluntary exchanges of goods and services between producers and customers.

The morning bazaar for vegetables, for example, is a basic example of direct commerce between growers and consumers. After passing through several stages of transportation and storage operations, through space, and over time, it might take on increasingly complicated forms where consumers' demand matches producers' supply. In a free market, transactions are by definition voluntary and based on the free will of buyers and sellers. However, in order for a free market to be totally competitive, all participants must have perfect access to information. Economic gains are allocated in this setting by coordinating the efforts of self-interested parties.

The state, on the other hand, is a body that establishes the rules and laws that govern economic activity coordination. To implement these rules and regulations, the state has legitimate coercive authority. The state may also compel the conscription of certain resources, for example, through military draught or taxation, against an individual's will, and assume responsibility for the provisioning of public goods such as defence and security, law and justice, and roads, which may not be supplied by a free market.

Despite their apparent differences in how they distribute economic gains that enhance social welfare, the market and the state are inextricably linked. Establishing conflict resolution methods to assist the performance of contractual duties between transacting parties could make market transactions more efficient.

A clear understanding and assignment of property rights on commodities and services is a necessary precondition for markets to function. Police and judicial services, on the other hand, are crucial state duties for upholding property rights and enforcing contracts in accordance with state laws. The state uses its authority to conscript resources from transacting parties, or transaction proceeds, to varying degrees. This frequently has a significant impact on the outcomes involving the allocation of economic gains among the parties.

Without the core features of a state and markets, no economy of any modern significance can be imagined. Even in small subsistence economies, their interconnection may not be inconsequential, despite the fact that it varies significantly. As a result, the essential organisations in the modern world are a nationwide market and a nation state. The size and form of the state, as well as the size and shape of the market, fluctuate dramatically between economic systems. As a result, it's important to consider how these two organisations might work together to encourage development. Our grasp of the relative benefits and demerits of the market and the state could be a good place to start.

Competition in a free market generates an allocation of resources that produces a social optimum, according to orthodox economics from Adam Smith onwards and the neoclassical school. The market process of price adjustment to equalise demand and supply of an item is the foundation of neoclassical theory (or service). Assume that a commodity (that satisfies a certain demand or wants in a homogeneous form and is otherwise indistinguishable from other things in the same category) is sold at different prices by different sellers to comprehend this mechanism of competition. All buyers would rush to the lowest-priced product seller, inflating the price. There would be no one willing to buy higher-priced items, forcing vendors to lower their pricing. This technique adjusts the current price on a continuous basis until demand equals supply of the product. When the price is too high, demand exceeds supply. As a result, unsold inventory accumulates, prompting retailers to reduce their prices. If the price is too low and there are too many buyers, the price will be raised to encourage greater supply or to reduce demand. As a result, total demand and supply are equalised, and a free market determines a single price.

According to Alfred Marshall, the demand curve for a commodity in a competitive market is the timetable of declining marginal utility from increasing units of consumption. The supply curve, on the other hand, is a timeline for increasing marginal cost for more units of output. As a result, the point on the demand-supply curves where marginal utility and marginal costs cross indicates a utility-maximizing equilibrium. According to neoclassical economics, this equilibrium represents efficient resource allocation and maximises social (economic) welfare in a free and competitive market.

Market Failure

If markets could allocate resources in a socially desirable manner if left to their own devices, there would be no need for coercive government involvement to nudge economic activities. Markets, on the other hand, are rarely able to reach optimality in all economic activity on their own. Market failure is defined as the deviation of market equilibrium from the point of Marshallian net utility maximisation (or Pareto optimality), where no one can be made better off without making someone else worse off. The government has a role to play in resolving such issues. However, the market can only help with efficient resource allocation in private goods, that is, those for which individual property rights are clearly established. Those with such rights have the right to utilise the commodities (and services), while others must pay for them. However, market failure is widespread in the provision of public goods.

The services given by police and judicial courts to maintain law and order, for example, could be used jointly (non-rivalry) by an unknown number of persons (potentially the entire population). However, imposing suitable tariffs on actual consumers may be challenging (non-excludability). As a result, there is an incentive for everyone to use such public products, even if they do not share the expense (free riders). Private businesses may not be interested in producing such goods (and services); thus the government would have to offer them.

There are no pure public goods (non-rival and non-excludable) or pure private goods in reality. Automobiles that service transportation needs, for example, are private products because only those who pay the fees can use them. However, the exhaust from running automobiles pollutes the air we breathe, and these vehicles can be harmful if they are engaged in accidents. In this view, automobile use may result in negative public goods (or "public bads"). As a result, the market equilibrium level for automotive production is higher than the socially optimal level. To rectify this market failing, the government could impose measures that increase the cost of using a car, such as a pollution tax or an accident insurance fee.

Market failure can also happen when private goods are sold without a public-bad by-product (or joint product). For example, a market mechanism must satisfy the conditions for perfect competition in order to attain social optimality. Free and complete knowledge among all participants, particularly on the pricing and quality aspects of goods, is one of these criteria. Furthermore, no participant should be allowed to amass sufficient power to sway market prices. In fact, however, there are significant knowledge gaps between customers and sellers, particularly when it comes to product or service quality.

Consumers, for example, find it difficult to assess the quality of professional services such as those provided by medical or legal professionals. Similarly, banks and insurance companies provide certain financial services, particularly in terms of deposit safety and risk coverage. If information asymmetry gives sellers and suppliers particular advantages or puts buyers at a disadvantage, market transactions are likely to be lower than the socially optimal level. Market transactions may potentially vanish entirely in some situations. Such market failures may require government involvement, such as limiting company permissions, government guarantees to eliminate disadvantages, and subsidies to lower private expenses, among other things.

Correctives, such as antitrust laws, may be required if market equilibrium diverges significantly from a socially optimal equilibrium due to concentration of market power (for example, due to seller monopoly or buyer monopoly). Allowing for a regional monopoly may be socially acceptable and efficient in businesses that are characterised by network-based delivery systems and/or increasing returns to scale (such as electricity, drinking water, and so on). To circumvent monopoly pricing, the government may therefore regulate prices or undertake production in the public sector.

Government actions that rectify market failures take on the features of a public benefit. Redistribution, which promotes fairness, is an even more vital duty for the government. Equitable distribution of wealth is a social goal that is just as vital as economic efficiency. Equitable benefit distribution can often improve economic efficiency by promoting social stability. By inciting crime and interrupting normal economic transactions, inequity frequently boosts social expenses. While a market mechanism may be useful for increasing economic efficiency, it is unlikely to result in a socially desirable income distribution. Governments then employ coercion to encourage redistribution. A progressive income tax system and social security benefits that improve economic welfare are examples of such redistributive strategies.

Government Failure

The supply of public goods is frequently established through a political process, with no certainty that the supply would be socially optimal. Supply limitations in public goods are often believed to be a fundamental impediment for growth in developing economies. The dangers of an oversupply of public goods, on the other hand, cannot be understated. It must be acknowledged that the provision of public goods comes at a cost, which is eventually funded by taxation. Oversupply is likely to emerge if a government action aimed to adjust for market failure has a higher budgetary cost than the social benefits of that corrective measure. Furthermore, governments in underdeveloped economies are prone to oversupply public goods with low social demand, frequently at the expense of those that are essential for economic progress.

Advances in political economy, public choice theory, theory of incentives, and other fields shed light on the behaviour of governments made up of political leaders who seek to maximise their chances of staying in power. Budgetary allocations among diverse public goods in such a situation may be based on factors that are notably different from what may lead to the maximisation of social and economic welfare gains. Issues that boost political support, in particular, frequently hijack the economic wellbeing agenda. A public asset like basic scientific research, which benefits society as a whole, for example, is likely to be undersupplied. In the future, the benefits of such items are likely to be distributed widely among a vast number of individuals. However, it is unlikely that a powerful pressure group will form to push for this demand. On the other hand, if there is a chance for huge private gains to a few contractors and/or a relatively limited number of inhabitants in a town, pressure groups may arise readily for specific infrastructure projects (which could, in turn, result in overstock).

Governments frequently acquire monopolistic qualities while exercising constitutionally specified legal coercive powers, particularly in developing economies. As a result, there is a tremendous incentive for governments to grow in size, if only to provide bureaucrats more power and status. The government is a depository for a vast amount of data. In many cases, there is a financial motive to distort facts that regular citizens may find difficult to comprehend in order to promote certain commodities. National security concerns, for example, may be overstated in order to grow the military's size, while budgetary profligacy worries may be downplayed. Governments' perceptions of insolvency, unlike private sector entities, can be complicated and difficult to visualise. Government organisations are vulnerable to efficiency concerns in the absence of economic incentives and a negative perception of insolvency.

Additionally, bureaucrats and pressure organisations with vested interests may oppose budget cuts or budget re-allocations from one category of public goods to another. These circumstances conspire to produce an overabundance of unneeded public goods, which is frequently combined with an undersupply of public goods that are vital for economic development. Such wasteful budgeting is a classic example of government failure. Government failure, on the other hand, is not confined to budgetary mismanagement. It could also be the result of policies that skew resource distributions.

Pollution control and vehicle safety have benefited from regulatory initiatives. In Japan, for example, mandatory and routine vehicle inspections by authorised garages improved driver and pedestrian safety while also limiting noxious gas emissions. When automobiles built in Japan were, relatively speaking, of low quality and prone to problem, these laws made a considerable social benefit. While car quality improved over time, assuaging both safety and pollution concerns, garages organised themselves in a way that safeguarded only their own vested interests, possibly resulting in detrimental social contributions.

Regulatory initiatives could become enmeshed with vested interests looking for institutional rents or skimming excess earnings. Firms that are protected by regulation may raise donations and vote for politicians in exchange for their support in keeping the legislation in place. Firms are frequently observed rehiring officials who have retired from regulatory authorities. Several regulatory prescriptions outlive their usefulness, invalidating the majority of the improvements made when they were first implemented.

Frequently, legislation and regulatory agencies provide another route for corruption. It is common to point to failures and, depending on the situation, to criticise governments or markets. In actuality, though, convicting anyone may be incredibly tough. It's also usual to set the market against the government, giving the impression that they're competitors when, in fact, they're complementing. We rarely give these institutions the credit they deserve for their achievements. Developing societies must evolve sufficiently to change their perceptions of markets and governments from parasitic to largely symbiotic.

Q3) What is the role of Government agencies and Institutions in Development? Explain any two.

Ans) Various government agencies play critical roles in directing short and long-term development operations. The importance of a few key government agencies in India's development is explored. These organisations are:

1. Niti Aayog (formerly Planning Commission)

2. The Finance Commission of India

3. State Finance Commission

4. State Planning Board

5. District Planning Boards Committees

Niti Aayog (National Institution For Transforming India)

On January 1, 2015, the Union Cabinet passed a resolution establishing the National Institution for Transforming India, better known as NITI Aayog. NITI Aayog is the Government of India's top policy 'Think Tank,' providing both directional and policy inputs. NITI Aayog gives relevant technical assistance to the Centre and States in designing strategic and long-term policies and programmes for the Government of India. In keeping with its reform objective, the Indian government established the NITI Aayog to replace the Planning Commission, which was established in 1950. This was done in order to better serve the people of India's needs and ambitions. In a significant departure from the past, NITI Aayog serves as the Government of India's central platform for bringing States together in the national interest, fostering Cooperative Federalism.

Functions:

1. To build a shared vision of national development priorities, sectors, and strategies with active participation from States in light of national goals:

2. Foster continual cooperative federalism with the States through organised support initiatives and processes, realising that strong states constitute a strong nation.

3. Develop procedures for establishing viable plans at the village level and gradually aggregating them at higher levels of government

4. To ensure that the objectives of national security are incorporated into economic strategy and policy in areas that are particularly addressed to it.

5. Pay special attention to those in our society who may be at risk of not benefiting fully from economic progress.

6. Design and implement strategic and long-term policy and programme frameworks and initiatives, as well as track their development and effectiveness. Lessons learned through monitoring and feedback will be used to make inventive changes, including mid-course modifications if necessary.

7. To provide guidance and stimulate collaboration between important stakeholders and like-minded think tanks, as well as educational and policy research institutions, on a national and worldwide level.

8. Through a collaborative community of national and international specialists, practitioners, and other partners, establish a knowledge, innovation, and entrepreneurial support system.

9. To provide a platform for the resolution of inter-sectoral and inter-departmental issues so that the development agenda can be implemented more quickly.

10. Maintaining a cutting-edge Resource Centre, serving as a repository for research on good governance and best practises in sustainable and equitable development, and assisting in their distribution among stakeholders

11. Actively monitor and analyse the implementation of programmes and initiatives, including the identification of required resources, in order to increase the likelihood of success and delivery scope.

12. To concentrate on technology advancement and capacity building in order to carry out programmes and initiatives.

13. Other activities as may be required to further the implementation of the national development agenda and the above-mentioned objectives.

District Planning Boards and Committees

In India, the decentralised planning process began many years ago, with the Union Planning Commission issuing instructions for creating district plans in 1969. Because the planning machinery and skill were not yet created at the district level at the time, efforts were redirected to improving the state level planning process in subsequent years. In the early 1980s, a Working Group was formed under the chairmanship of Professor C.H. Hanumantha Rao to draught district plan guidelines. The Seventh Five Year Plan implemented decentralised planning at the district level as one of the key techniques to achieving plan targets, based on the Committee's recommendations. At the local level, local self-government is the most important tool for decentralisation. The goal of local self-government is to move away from bureaucratic administration and toward democratic administration, as well as to plan and implement development programmes with the participation of the people and to instil political consciousness among them. They serve as vehicles for returning to the people the power that is rightfully theirs. They ensure self-governance through delegates who are directly elected.

The basic prerequisites of district planning, according to Dr. D.R. Gadgil, are understanding of local conditions and the involvement of local people in the creation and implementation of development plans. "The objective has always been that the plan should come from the people and fulfil their aspirations and requirements, and have their support in thinking as well as deed," noted Gunnar Myrdal, a well-known economist, in 1968. The arguments in favour of decentralised planning are as follows:

1. It facilitates the formulation of locally relevant programmes, with reference to natural endowments, and felt needs of the people

2. It makes bureaucrats more accountable to the people

3. It also facilitates the participation of ordinary people in the planning and development process

The District Planning Board and, more recently, the District Planning Committees have begun to act at the state level, following the 73rd Constitutional Amendment. The District Planning Board has a number of significant responsibilities.

1. Formulate a long-term district perspective plan, as well as a district-wide strategy for planned growth, based on community needs and local objectives.

2. Prepare a priority-based list of schemes and programmes well before the start of each year, taking into consideration the plan fund's resources and community contributions.

3. To take adequate measures to ensure that schemes, programmes, and projects are implemented properly.

4. To keep track of project progress, the District Planning and Development Board may meet as often as necessary for this purpose. At regular intervals, the Board will deliver performance reports to the State Planning Board.

5. To encourage panchayats and other local governments to carry out development initiatives on their own. They are in charge of ensuring that as many people as possible are involved, as well as building trust in their leadership and capacity to carry out development work. Involvement should be measured in both financial and physical terms.

6. People's cooperation will be used to produce additional resources for development projects. NGOs, NRIs, and other agencies, as well as any other related functions that the State Planning Board may delegate.

Article 243 ZD of the 73rd Constitution Amendment envisages the establishment of a District Planning Committee in each district to aggregate the plans prepared by the district's panchayats and municipalities. District Planning Committees (DPC) have now been established in most states. The chairman of the Zilla Parishad (District Panchayat) was to be the chairman of the DPC, according to the Act. District Commissioners, on the other hand, are in charge of DPCs in several states. The DPCs are similar to the District Planning Board in terms of function. In most states, the DPC has recently played a key role in the development of district agriculture plans, district BRGF (Backward Region Grant Fund) plans, and district NREGS (National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme) plans, which are now known as MREGA (Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme) plans.

Q4) What do you understand by Human Rights? Explain the genesis of Human Rights in India?

Ans) The traditional concept of a human right is one that is universal and shared by all people. All societies' literary, artistic, religious, legal, and political structures reflect the concept of human rights. Rights have typically been classified into two categories by philosophers: positive and negative. If a citizen possesses the right to free expression, for example, the state owes him or her a responsibility of non-interference.

The state is purportedly not burdened or costed by this so-called negative right. The common understanding of the positive right is that it necessitates considerable government intervention. "A human right, by definition, is a universal moral right that all men, wherever, at all times, ought to enjoy, that no one may be deprived of without committing a grievous affront to justice, which is owed to every human being simply because he is human". Wasserstorm's definition is one of the most frequently referenced. "Any legitimate human right, it is said, must satisfy at least four prerequisites," he says.

1. To begin with, it must be possessed by all humans as well as just humans.

2. Second, because it is a right that all human beings share, it must be shared equitably.

3. Third, because all human beings possess human beings, we can rule out any rights that one could have as a result of holding a particular position or connection, such as father, president, or promise.

4. Fourth, if any human rights exist, they have the added feature of being assertible 'against the whole universe.'"

Genesis of Human Rights Movement in India

The harsh shock of India's declaration of national emergency in 1976 made the articulate and vocal elements of society more aware of human rights. During those eighteen months, the lack of democratic rights galvanised students, intellectuals, political activists, trade unionists, and artists into action. Since India's independence in 1947, the educated middle class has benefited from a constant flow of democracy in its national life. Detention without trial for a large number of people—students, youth, political figures—news censorship, trespassing on private property without legal permission, taping of telephones, interception of letters, and constitutional amendment curtailing basic rights to life and liberty in the name of national security and violation of civil liberties were all hallmarks of the emergency rule.

The government's monopoly on television was completely controlled by the ruling party. Hundreds of thousands of people took part in enormous protests to condemn the government's anti-democratic actions and to mobilise public opinion in support of India's democracy. Citizens for Democracy, People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), People's Union for Civil Liberties and Democratic Rights (PUCLDR), and Chhatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahini were among the organisations at the forefront of national human rights movements. During this time, dozens of state-level and city-based organisations were formed. For instance, in Hyderabad, there is the Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights (Mumbai), the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights (APDR), and the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC).

With the lifting of the national emergency in 1977, horror stories of incarceration brutality and barbaric acts of torture in police custody and prisons began to circulate in the mainstream media. Investigative journalism was chosen as a vocation by bright young men and women. New civil liberties and democratic rights organisations began publishing newsletters and magazines in English, Hindi, and a variety of regional languages. The 'democratic rights movement' included organisations fighting repression of workers, the poor, peasants, dalits, women, and tribal people. This set the tone for India's human rights movements in the 1990s, which grew their networks from a local to a regional to a global level.

Q5) What is Displacement? Explain the causes of Displacement in India and its impact?

Ans) The forceful removal of people from their homes or environments, as well as their occupational pursuits, is referred to as displacement. It is a type of societal change brought about by a variety of circumstances, the most prevalent of which include armed war, natural disasters, starvation, development, and economic developments.

There are two types of population displacement caused by development: direct displacement, which results in people being physically displaced from their homes, and indirect displacement, which results in a loss of livelihood. Displaced populations frequently become impoverished after being forced to leave their native region, to which they are attached and for which they have the knowledge to make a living most successfully. As a result of development initiatives, policies, and processes, individuals are displaced, which is a social cost of development.

Internally displaced persons are the most common victims of displacement (IDP). Internally displaced persons (IDPs) have only recently been given considerable consideration. Until now, the primary focus of attention has been on refugees as defined by numerous international conventions and protocols. Consequently, despite the fact that the United Nations Convention on Refugees has been in existence for nearly half a century, there is no global tool to deal specifically with internally displaced persons. This omission can be traced back to political ideological viewpoints held during the Cold War, which had a significant impact on social theory.

Internal population displacement was avoided by the Left because Communist countries were significant producers of internally displaced people, while the Right avoided it because the West's third-world friends were clearly the largest offenders. Furthermore, the right was concerned about the financial implications of providing protection to the so-called internally displaced. It's not unexpected that the international refugee regime, influenced by liberal, if not right-wing, academics, chose to neglect the issue of domestic population displacement.

The contemporary interest in internally displaced individuals is nonetheless shaped by long-held stereotypes about refugees, which insist on separating the former from the latter. The traditional view of exiles in their own country, for example, considers that persons must cross an international border to be recognised as refugees; otherwise, they are "internally displaced." Furthermore, almost all researchers attribute internal displacement to inter-group disputes within states, owing to the fact that post-Cold War hostilities have been more between states than within states.

Causes of Displacement

In India, the following are causes of displacement:

Political causes, including secessionist movements

Since independence, two major armed conflicts have erupted in north-east India: the Naga movement, which is primarily led by the Naga National Socialist Council, and the Assam movement, which is led by the All-Assam Students Union and has been largely taken over by the extremist United Liberation Front of Assam. The government's and other forces opposed to secessionists' violence and punitive responses continue to result in a continual flow of displaced individuals. The killing of Kashmiri Pandits by fundamentalist secessionist groups, widespread anarchy caused by political instability, and ongoing violations of fundamental human rights by both the state and militant groups have resulted in large-scale displacement, primarily of Kashmiri pundits (estimated at 250,000), to Jammu and cities such as Delhi in Kashmir's "war."

Identity-based autonomy movements

Self-determination movements based on identity have also resulted in bloodshed and displacement. This has happened in Punjab and, more recently, in western Assam's Bodo Autonomous Council. Non-Bodo settlements have been 'cleansed' by the Bodos through plunder, arson, killing, and persecution, forcing a huge number of non-Bodos to flee. They are currently housed in camps.

Localized Violence

Internal displacement has also resulted from caste conflicts (as in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh), religious fundamentalism (as in urban riots in Bombay, Coimbatore, Bhagalpur, and Aligarh), and aggressive denial of residency and employment rights to non-indigenous groups by supporters of the "son-of-the-soil policy" (as in Meghalaya by Khasi students and Arunachal Pradesh by Chakmas).

Environmental and development induced displacement

India has invested in industrial projects, dams, roads, mines, power plants, and new towns in order to achieve rapid economic expansion, which has only been possible due to significant land acquisition and consequent displacement of people.

Disaster-induced displacement

Over the recent decade, natural disasters have resulted in significant loss of life as well as broad social, economic, and environmental devastation. Less-developed countries and/or regions are typically the most affected, with people who are most vulnerable in such locations being at greater danger. Men and women are affected differently by disasters, and the impact varies based on the cultural and socioeconomic background. This is critical for catastrophe preparedness and long-term development. Women are assumed to be more at risk because of their greater marginalisation and gender inequities, despite the lack of gender-sensitive statistics. Their vulnerability stems from their unequal labour load, which includes both productive and reproductive responsibilities, a lack of resource control, limited mobility, and limited educational and employment prospects.

Causes of Displacement in the International Scenario

Internally Displaced Persons

The growing number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) around the world is one of today's significant concerns. While there are no official definitions of internally displaced people, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees' (UNHCR) Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement define them as "persons or groups of persons who have been forced to flee, or leave, their homes or places of habitual residence as a result of armed conflict, internal strife, and habitual violations of human rights, as well as natural or man-made disasters."

Internally displaced people are those who are forced to flee their homes, often for the same reasons as refugees - war, civil war, political strife, and gross human rights violations - but who stay within their own country and do not cross an international border. As a result, they are not eligible for international protection in the same way as refugees are. Furthermore, they are not protected or assisted by any single international body. Estimates of the number of IDPs are frequently sloppy, and they vary widely depending on the source (governments, international agencies, and nongovernmental organisations). This is largely due to the fact that, unlike forced migration, IDP movements often involve limited distances and, in many cases, short time frames.

Internal movements are also less well documented than foreign movements. One reason is that in the case of internal migrations, which are unrestricted and subject to less administrative impediments, the receiving country's intrinsic interest in who is entering is absent. Furthermore, because they remain in the nation where they were persecuted, internally displaced people may be less eager to register than those who are protected by their refuge country.

Environmental Displacement

Environmental change (desertification, deforestation, land degradation, water pollution or inundation), natural disasters (floods, volcanoes, landslides, earthquakes), and man-made disasters all fall into this category (industrial accidents, radioactivity). According to a 1995 assessment, there are at least 25 million environmental refugees, with the number expected to double by 2010 and as many as 200 million people at risk of being displaced.

Experts on refugees deny such doomsday scenarios, and others claim that there are no such things as environmental refugees. While natural conditions play a role in forced migration, such displacements are always linked to other factors such as social and ethnic conflict, weak states, inequitable resource distribution, and human rights violations. As a result, defining who is affected by an environmental or disaster, as well as quantifying this category in any meaningful way, is challenging. The focus on environmental elements might divert attention away from more pressing issues such as development, inequality, and conflict resolution.

Disaster Displacement

Natural catastrophes (floods, hurricanes, volcanoes, earthquakes, landslides) or disasters caused by human activity are included in this category (industrial accidents, environmental pollution, radioactive emissions). Following the huge loss of life and destruction caused by the Asian Tsunami on December 26, 2004, and the hurricanes in the United States in September 2005, natural disaster displacement has become increasingly important to humanitarian groups. Humanitarian problems in such big calamities are generally identical to those created by hostilities, and the same aid organisations are frequently involved. Extreme natural events are becoming more often as a result of global warming, and are consequently, to some part, a result of human behaviour.

People-trafficking

Women and children are trafficked for the sex business all over the world. Combatants compel women into sex slavery or sell them to international gangs in battle zones. It's critical to understand the difference between human trafficking and human smuggling. People who want to migrate to a nation where they can't get legal entry can use people-smuggling organisations' services. This is especially true for low-skilled individuals looking for work in the informal economy in wealthy countries. Smuggled migrants choose to pay a fee to smugglers in exchange for a service. They take part in a business transaction, however on unequal conditions, which could lead to debtbondage. The movement of trafficked people, on the other hand, is based on deception and compulsion and is done for the goal of exploitation. The profit in human trafficking comes from the sale of a trafficked person's sexual services or labour in the destination country, not from the movement. Men make up the majority of smuggled migrants. Women and children are the most common victims of human trafficking.

Impact of Displacement

The current pattern of development has resulted in the continued powerlessness of the weaker parts as a result of displacement and the lack of benefits from these development projects. Since independence, development programmes under the five-year plans have displaced approximately five lakh people every year, mostly due to land acquisition. Environmental deterioration and contamination have also resulted from changes in land usage, acquisition for urban growth, and loss of livelihood. Tribal areas are disproportionately affected by this development process. Historically, a large number of displaced indigenous peoples have relied on natural and communal resources for their survival. Their vast displacement adds a severe dimension to the dilemma. The ethos and way of life of these tribal tribes are heavily influenced by their natural resource base.