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BPSC-133: Comparative Government and Politics

BPSC-133: Comparative Government and Politics

IGNOU Solved Assignment Solution for 2021-22

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Assignment Code: BPSC-133/ASST/TMA/2021-22

Course Code: BPSC-133

Assignment Name: Comparative Government and Politics

Year: 2021-2022

Verification Status: Verified by Professor



Answer all questions in the three Assignments and submit them together.

 


Assignment - I

 


Answer the following in about 500 words each. Each question carries 20 marks.

 

1. Define comparative politics. Explain the different approaches in the study of comparative politics.

Ans) Comparative study of politics is about comparing political phenomena. The primary goal of comparative politics is to encompass the major political similarities and differences between countries around the world. The emphasis is on how different societies cope with various problems by making comparisons with others. Although ‘comparative methods’ and ‘methods of comparisons’ are widely used in other disciplines as well e.g., Psychology, Sociology, Economics etc., it is the substance of comparative politics—i.e., its subject matter, vocabulary, perspective, and concepts—which gives comparative politics its distinctiveness both as a ‘method’ and as a sub-field of the study of ‘comparative politics’.


The different approaches in the study of comparative politics are:

Experimental Method

Although the experimental method has limited application in social sciences, it provides the model on which many comparativist aspire to base their studies. Simply put, the experimental method aims to establish a causal relationship between two conditions. In other words, the objective of the experiment is to establish that one condition leads to the other or influences the other in a particular way. If, for example, one wishes to study/explain why children differ in their ability to communicate in English in large group setting, a number of factors may be seen as influencing this capability viz., social background, adeptness in the language, familiarity of surroundings etc.


Statistical Method

The statistical method uses categories and variables which are quantifiable or can be represented by numbers. It has the advantage of presenting precise data in a compact and visually effective manner, so that similarities and dissimilarities are visible through numerical representation. The fact that several variables can be studied together also gives the unique opportunity to look for complex explanations in terms of a relationship. The use of the statistical method also helps explain and compare long term trends and patterns and offer predictions on future trends. The utility of this method lies in the relative ease with which it can deal with multiple variables. It fails, however, to offer complete answers or give the complete picture. It can, however, be employed along with qualitative analysis to give more comprehensive explanations of relationships and the broad categories which the statistical method uses in order to facilitate their numerical representation.


Focused Comparisons

These studies take up a small number of countries, often just two (paired or binary comparisons), and concentrate frequently on aspects of the countries’ politics rather than on all aspects. A comparative study of public policies indifferent countries has successfully been undertaken by this method. Lip set distinguishes two kinds of binary or paired comparison—the implicit and explicit. In the implicit binary comparison, the investigator’s own country, as in the case of Tocqueville’s study of America, may serve as the reference. Explicit paired comparisons have two clear cases (countries) for comparison.


Historical Method

The historical method can be distinguished from other methods that it looks for causal explanations which are historically sensitive. Eric Wolf emphasises that any study which seeks to understand societies and causes of human action could not merely seek technical solutions to problems stated in technical terms. The important thing was to resort to an analytic history which searched out the causes of the present in the past. Such an analytic history could not be developed out of the study of a single culture or nation, a single culture area, or even a single continent at one period, but from a study of contacts, interactions and interconnections among human populations and cultures.


2. Describe the nature and characteristics of the state in the developing world.

Ans) Democratic and authoritarian regimes may be distinguished both in terms of their objectives as well as means to achieve them. Authoritarian regimes decide what is good for individuals. The ruling elite impose their values on society irrespective of its member’s wishes. Authoritarian refers to a form of government which insists on unqualified obedience, conformity, and coercion. It is in essence negation of democracy. When power is based on consent, respected willingly, and recognised by wider masses, it is legitimate and binding. This is called authority. Authority is power raised in a moral or ethical level. Authority involves legitimate exercise of power, and in that sense, it arises 'from below'. Democratic regimes uphold this type of authority and are authoritative. However, when a regime exercises authority regardless of popular consent and with the help of force, it can be called authoritarian.


The practice of government 'from above' is also associated with monarchical absolutism, traditional dictatorships, most single party regimes, and most forms of military regimes. They all are authoritarian in the sense that they are concerned with the repression of opposition and political liberty. Authoritarian regimes are distinguished from the totalitarian regimes. Totalitarian regimes depict modern dictatorship in terms of a model government by complete centralisation and uniform regimentation of all aspects of political, social, and intellectual life and in these respects transcending by far the earlier manifestations of absolute or autocratic or despotic or tyrannical regimes and their capacity to control and mobilise the masses. In this sense totalitarianism is truly a phenomenon of twentieth century.


The Characteristics of Authoritarian Regimes

  1. In the authoritarian regimes the techniques of decision by public discussion and voting are largely or wholly supplanted by the decision of those in authority.

  2. The authoritarian regimes exercise sufficient power to dispense with any constitutional limitations.

  3. Those in power in an authoritarian regime claim to derive their authority not necessarily and always from the consent of the governed but from some special quality that they claim to possess.

  4. Authoritarian regimes are likely to employ force also in their relations with other countries. Since institutions of such regimes are not based on the participation of the people, and are not accountable to people, the moderating influence of public opinion is not effective. As such the authoritarian regimes do not help the cause of international peace.

  5. Authoritarian regimes are characterised by low and limited political mobilisation. Depoliticization of the mass of the citizen’s falls into the intent of the ruling elite, fits with their mentality, and reflects the character of the components of the limited pluralism supporting them.

  6. Contrary to the democratic regimes which represent almost unlimited pluralism in institutionalised form, the authoritarian regimes represent limited pluralism. The limitation of pluralism may be legal or de facto, implemented effectively, confined to strictly political groups, or extended to interest groups.


Authoritarian Regimes in the post-Second World War Period

Authoritarian regimes have been mostly established in the developing states of Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, and Southeast Asia. Developed states of the West like Spain, Portugal, and Greece, however, have also experienced it in the post-World War period. These regimes -more than political, economic, cultural, or ideological factors- have been dependent on the use of military power and systematic repression. Democratic institutions-both formal and informal have been either weakened or abolished and the political and legal rights have been non-existent.



Assignment - II

 


Answer the following questions in about 250 words each. Each question carries 10-marks.

 

3. Compare and contrast political parties and pressure groups.

Ans) Both pressure groups and political parties are important agencies which aim to achieve the interests of different sections of society. In some respects, the roles of pressure groups are parallel to those of political parties—as agents of political mobilization and representation by linking the government and the governed. But there are theoretical and practical distinctions between the two. While political parties aim to get into power and form the government, pressure groups generally seek to influence and pressurize the government in accordance with the interests and aspirations of the people they represent. Unlike political parties whose central objective is to capture power and run the government, pressure groups never aim to gain formal control of the government. Instead, pressure groups devote themselves to influence the government to realize their demands and objectives. In other words, pressure groups seek to influence government, parties seek to become government.


Another distinction between pressure groups and political parties is that while the former focus on only one policy area, the latter have broad programmes covering all (or almost all) policy areas. For instance, trade unions or human rights groups are concerned with limited goals of protecting or promoting welfare of the workers or human rights. They rarely concern themselves with economic or external policies, except when those policies impinge on their interests. Political parties on the other hand are concerned with diverse policies related to national development. However, the distinction between political parties and pressure groups can sometimes be extremely complicated by the fact that some pressure groups are found to have close relationship with one political party or another. In fact, there are pressure groups which render support to certain political parties whenever they think their political purpose can be served by supporting them and vice-versa.

 

4. Examine the role of pressure groups in modern political systems.

Ans) Group activity is a feature of every democracy and, indeed, of many authoritarian states as well. Although pressure groups have existed for long and will continue to do so into the foreseeable future, it is difficult to assess their role in a democracy. This is because of the multiplicity and diversity of pressure groups- there are simply too many of them and they vary in terms of their aims, composition, and method. Some engage in continuous political activity while others do so intermittently or vanish after accomplishing their objective. Given this, the generalised comments we make here do not apply to all pressure groups in all circumstances. For those who take a positive view of pressure-group activity, these groups enhance our democracy and have an important role in the political processes. Pressure groups enable individuals to associate with one another and voice their interests and grievances which are essential rights in any democracy. Their activities give representation and voice to the minorities or the disadvantaged sections of the society who are not adequately represented in the government. For instance, women, ethnic minorities, gays, transgenders that are inadequately represented by political parties, find opportunity to express any resentment about their treatments, and to suggest ideas that would help overcome obstacles that prevent them from fulfilling their potential.


Pressure group activity also encourages wider participation in decision making process. Ordinary individuals participate in political life only during election time. Elections which are held once in four or five years may not allow voters to express a preference on individual issue. Pressure groups give an opportunity to individuals be politically active and to make a contribution to the working of democracy between elections. Pressure groups act as a link between the people and the government, a useful intermediary between the electors and those whom they elect, allowing a variety of views to be expressed. They counter the monopoly of the political process by political parties. As one political scientist put it ‘The views which pressure groups convey are legitimate interests…Modern democracy would not exist without pressure groups. As a channel of representation, they are as legitimate as the ballot box…. They can mediate between the government and the governed.’


5. Briefly describe the core features of a federal form of government.

Ans) The core features of a federal form of government are as follows:

  1. The first federal form of government came into being in the United States of America in the late 18th century. When the thirteen colonies became free from British colonial control in the War of American Independence, they first established a confederation.

  2. As this confederation proved inadequate to meet the needs of the situation, the representatives of states met together in a convention in 1789 and drafted a federal constitution. The states created a structure of government at the centre and conferred on it certain specified powers, retaining the residual powers with themselves.


  3. This constitution has become a model for over a score of federal policies that came into being in the subsequent years.

  4. The American states, even while uniting to establish a federal government, took care to hedge the powers of the central or federal government in order to protect their interests.


From the above it is clear that the federal form of government has been adopted when there is a large geographical area or when there are regions having concentration of different social groups. In some cases, both the reasons act side by side. For instance, though India opted to be union of state due to its large geographical expanse, later it recognised the need for reorganising states on linguistic and ethnic basis thus providing for the accommodation of the diversity. In a large geographical area, federal system helps in better administration and governance. And when a federal system is adopted to address the political cleavage, it provides firm basis for holding the diversity together by providing them a degree of autonomy to govern their own affairs. For instance, in 1993, Belgium adopted a federal system to prevent its three different linguistic regions from falling apart.

 


Assignment - III

 


Answer the following questions in about 100 words each. Each question carries six marks.

 

6. What are the characteristics of authoritarian regimes.

Ans) The characteristics of authoritarian regimes are as follows:

  1. The authoritarian regimes exercise sufficient power to dispense with any constitutional limitations.

  2. Those in power in an authoritarian regime claim to derive their authority not necessarily and always from the consent of the governed but from some special quality that they claim to possess.

  3. Authoritarian regimes are likely to employ force also in their relations with other countries. Since institutions of such regimes are not based on the participation of the people, and are not accountable to people, the moderating influence of public opinion is not effective. As such the authoritarian regimes do not help the cause of international peace.

  4. Contrary to the democratic regimes which represent almost unlimited pluralism in institutionalised form, the authoritarian regimes represent limited pluralism. The limitation of pluralism may be legal or de facto, implemented effectively, confined to strictly political groups, or extended to interest groups.

 

7. What are the reasons for the intervention of the military in politics?

Ans) The reasons for the intervention of the military in politics are:

  1. As decolonisation progressed and many countries in Asia and Africa became fully independent republics, it was widely assumed that the military would play minimal part in their politics. Despite this, the military has grown as a powerful political force in several of these countries in a relatively short period of time. As a result, a number of social scientists have begun to investigate the unique nature of civil-military ties in emerging countries.

  2. Low-level political cultures lack state institutions, and the rules governing the exercise of power are either ineffective or lacking popular legitimacy. Developing countries with a weak political culture, i.e., lacking legitimacy, are more vulnerable to coups or other forms of military intervention.

  3. A lack of consensus is regarded as a low political culture. Rather than providing an explanation for the lack of political consensus, the concept of political culture provides a declarative declaration. Nonetheless, his work has sparked a slew of research attempting to explain why the lack of functioning and legitimate governmental institutions is a major factor in military participation in politics.


8. Explain the three meanings of the term civil society.

Ans) Pressure groups are also often equated with civil society organizations (CSOs). Civil society organizations are organizations and associations set up by the citizens of a country to pursue certain interests. While some of the civil society organizations act as interest groups to promote their respective interests, others pressurize the government to bring about certain public policies in their group’s interests. In India, civil society groups like Lok Satta, Jannagraha, and Foundation of Democratic Reforms (FDR) are persuading political parties to create avenues for legitimate funding to political parties with transparency and disclosure. They also significantly contributed to the improvement of voter registration in India. The group FDR, also works for transparency, right to information, speedy delivery of justice by the judiciary etc. However, what differentiates pressure groups from CSOs is that pressure groups are more power-centric than CSOs which are interest oriented. Moreover, the domains of pressure groups are relatively restricted compared to CSOs whose arenas of functioning are usually vast and diverse.

 

9. What are the core features of a federal polity?

Ans) The core features of a federal polity are:

  1. Power Distribution: Although the manner and degree of power division differs between systems, the division of power between the federal and state governments is a basic component of a federation.

  2. Written Constitution: Because the compact's power split between the centre and the states is in the nature of a compact, it must be written down. The regions over which the centre and states have jurisdiction are specified in the constitutions of a federal system.

  3. Review by the Courts: The constitutional supremacy, which is fundamental to the future of a federal system, necessitates the existence of a body above both the federal government and state governments to determine if they are acting within their powers. The Supreme Court is normally entrusted with the task of interpreting the Constitution.

 

10. What are the core assumptions of neoliberalism?

Ans) Neoliberalism shares many assumptions as neorealism (namely, that the international system is anarchic, states are the main actors, and states rationally pursue their self-interest), but draws different conclusions from those assumptions. In contrast to neorealist scholarship, which is sceptical of prospects for sustainable cooperation, neoliberalism argues that cooperation is feasible and sustainable. Neoliberals highlight the role of international institutions and regimes in facilitating cooperation between states. The main reason why international organizations facilitate cooperation is that they provide information, which reduces collective action problems among states in providing public goods and enforcing compliance. Robert Keohane's 1984 book After Hegemony used insights from the new institutional economics to argue that the international system could remain stable in the absence of a hegemon, thus rebutting hegemonic stability theory.

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