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MPSE-008: State Politics in India

MPSE-008: State Politics in India

IGNOU Solved Assignment Solution for 2022-23

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Assignment Code: MPSE-008/ASST/TMA/2022-23

Course Code: MPSE-008

Assignment Name: State Politics in India

Year: 2022-2023

Verification Status: Verified by Professor

 


SECTION–I

 


1. Examine the reasons for the rise of demand for statehood in independent India.

Ans) Undoubtedly, one of the reasons is the ruling power's wish to fix the geographical arrangement it made during the colonial era merely for administrative reasons. The British-style centralised government that existed before India never existed there. In fact, until the rise of British authority, India was not even aware of the concept of territorial jurisdiction. Political divisions prior to the British Empire were primarily based on intercultural ties. Such antiquated ethnocultural connections often reassert themselves as nationalities after the British exit.

 

The explosion of democracy in India is closely tied to the departure of the British. With the exception of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands and the North-East Frontier Tracts of Assam, a single move brought about the introduction of universal adult franchise in India. Aspirations for democratic self-rule were thereby aroused.

 

The land reform movement, which significantly diminished, if not completely destroyed, the historically powerful major landlords and gave economic power to the middle and small landowners, helped the process of democratisation through the Constitution. This new class looked to the states for supplying them with the goods and attempted to take control of them because agriculture and land were state subjects. This new class experienced a wave of affluence as a result of the green revolution, which helped them tighten their hold on the governments and demand greater autonomy.

 

The huge regional disparities that exist throughout the large subcontinent due to geographical and historical factors became more apparent to the populace as a result of this new consciousness. The three Presidency towns of Kolkata, Mumba, and Chennai benefited from British trade and commerce as significant ports during the early British era. Additionally, they benefited from the early industrialization. The British rulers' irrigation projects were advantageous for the united Punjab. Industries then moved to some other British towns including Ahmedabad, Nagpur, and Jamshedpur, especially in the 20th century. Cities in the more established princely realms, like Baroda and Bangalore, took longer to develop. Unevenly distributed development occurred in bits and pieces. Planning for development also lagged in the post-independence era, at least until the Fourth Five-Year Plan. In the meantime, other regions, including north-western India, saw the beginning of the green revolution in agriculture. Early planning left out regions like north-east India, which later became hotbeds of poverty and unrest.

 

Even the more developed areas have their own issues. Punjab thus had two issues with the current economic situation. It objected to taxes on crops, fees for the electricity and water provided by large irrigation projects, and restrictions on international commerce in agricultural products. It also lamented the lack of industrialization in the area as a result of the lack of investment in the sector. The campaign for a Harit Pradesh in western Uttar Pradesh is currently being driven by a more or less comparable demand.

 

A new social revolution was sparked by developmental work after increased administration, political consciousness, and educational outreach. New literary figures emerged to take charge of each community. For them, self-government would imply more work, including in politics, more clout for the populace and their local/regional leaders, and more funding for improvements. A statehood would give the region power, even though a Union territory status was sufficient for the region to establish and maintain its political identity from the surrounding area. So, from the status of a Union territory, Manipur and Tripura in 1972, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh in 1986, and Goa in 1987 became states. In 1991, Delhi was granted a unique status among the Union territories. Its acquisition of full statehood is currently a hotly debated topic.

 

2. What has been the impact of land reforms on agrarian transformation in India?

Ans) Impact of land reforms on agrarian transformation in India as follows:

 

The Kulaks

 

Agrarian reforms, particularly the Zamindari abolition and Green Revolution, had a significant impact on this change. On the one hand, this stimulated the growth of agriculture; on the other, the entire structure of agricultural relations underwent transformation. The latter was reflected in the emergence in various regions of India of a class of powerful groupings on the political and economic fronts. They became known as Kulaks, or wealthy farmers. They were classified as "bullock capitalists" by L.H. Rudolph and Sussan Rudolph. These organisations were formed to dominate state politics, and starting in the 1990s, they also gained sway at the federal level. They belonged to intermediate castes such as Jats, Yadavs, Lodhs, Gujars, and Kurmie in Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Punjab, and Rajasthan; Marathas in Maharastra; Lingayats and Vokaliggas in Karnataka; and Reddies and Kammas in Andhra Pradesh.

 

In the states where they reside, they have been recognised as the OBCs. Following the Zamindari abolition, they gained land ownership, and the Green Revolution provided them with contemporary inputs and technology. They became the most dominant groupings in the agrarian society in many parts of the country as a result of the land reforms. The once dominating groups also saw a decline as a result of the emergence. The dalits and the lower backward classes, who are socially and economically weak, did not benefit from the developments, nevertheless. Welfare initiatives, such as programmes to reduce poverty, have primarily been populist in nature. Additionally, efforts have been hindered by widespread corruption. However, there has been a rise in the number of dalits in some states, particularly rural ones like Uttar Pradesh, as a result of the promotion of education, awareness, and the dissemination of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's ideals through the media. This is demonstrated by the rise of the Bahujan Samaj Party.

 

The Small Farmers and Landless Labourers

 

A sizable portion of the nation saw the movement of small farmers and landless labourers emerge in the 1960s and 1970s. Beginning in West Bengal's Naxalbari, this movement quickly extended to other states before coming to an end in the 1960s in places like Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, and Orissa. In Gujarat, Punjab, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, and Bihar in 1970, a land grab campaign of the landless was taking place under the leadership of the Socialist Party and Communist Party of India. Despite their limited success, these movements were successful in drawing the countrymen's attention to the agrarian issue. During its time in office, the Left front administration implemented land reforms in West Bengal. The security of the tenants and the tiller of the land was thus guaranteed. The inability of land reforms to live up to rural residents' expectations, according to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, was the root of rural discontent in 1970, when she spoke at a conference of Chief Ministers on land reform.

 

The main suggestion made at this session was a reduction in ceiling limits. This idea was largely rejected by the Chief Ministers. The Central Land Reforms Committee was then tasked with looking into this subject. In 1971, this group issued a number of suggestions. Some national reform guidelines for India were accepted at the Chief Ministers' Conference in 1972. The national guidelines broke with India's precedent for ceiling legislation. It decreased the upper boundaries for all types of lands. Family was considered the unit for ceiling purposes rather than an individual. In the allocation of surplus lands, preference was to be given to labourers who were without land, particularly those who belonged to scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.

 


SECTION –II

 


Write a note on each part of the question in about 250 words each:

 

3. a) Election Commission

b) Elections help to maintain and improve democratic practises. Elections should consequently be conducted by a competent, efficient, independent, and unbiased institution. For the purpose of organising elections for the Union and state legislatures, India's constitution builders established the Election Commission (EC), a single body that is independent of both the federal and state governments. The EC's authority is primarily administrative, with a little amount of adjudicative and legislative authority. The judiciary has never objected to any of its use of its triple powers thus far. It was originally intended for the Commission to have just one member. In October 1993, two additional ECs were appointed, expanding the EC (Election Commissioners). The Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and the ECs are chosen by the President. The Tarkunde Committee in 1975 and the Goswami Committee in 1991 recommended that the President appoint members to the EC on the suggestion of a committee made up of the chief justice of India, the prime minister, and the leader of the opposition in the Lok Sabha.

 

Due to the lack of fraud and violence in the first three decades following independence, EC's function was minor. The politics of consensus broke down as Mandal and Mandir concerns erupted at the tail end of the 1980s. Politicization along caste and racial lines dominated. Voter intimidation, violence, election manipulation, and other forms of corruption were widespread as a result of the tainted electoral process. Rapid electoral reforms were required in light of the circumstances. Politicians of all stripes expressed grave alarm, but no significant reform was implemented. In order to ensure a free, fair, and peaceful election, the EC was forced to deploy its legal and constitutional authority. It has waged numerous battles in the nation's highest courts against forces opposed to the growth of a healthy democracy. If the initial vote was invalid, the EC without hesitation ordered repolls at polling places and throughout entire constituencies.

 

b) Pattern of communal politics in India

Ans) Due in part to the first point—the majority religio-cultural view of democracy—and in part to the State's rising self-identification with Hindu right-wing politics, Hindu communalism has gained power. The State has also backtracked on its promises to the majority of disadvantaged Indians.

 

Two, the fundamental tenets of society are threatened by current communal politics, particularly Hindu communal politics. democracy in India. Equal citizenship, secularism, religious tolerance, and freedom of religion are the pillars of an inclusive Indian polity, according to this proposal for the creation of a Hindu state.

 

Three, the onslaught has been too strong for minority sectarian politics in independent India. politics in India. Community politics of the majority and minority used to feed off of one another in the past. The Muslim League had substantial political sway and was actively trying to increase it. clout. However, Muslim politics as an ideological force have been marginalised in independent India. irrelevant fringe

 

Four, there are geographical variations in Muslim communal politics. Many of its constituents are spread out in separate locations with no connection to one another. Because of regional localization, there are few prospects for cooperation in the politics of the Muslim League in Kerala, the MIM in Hyderabad, and some leaders in Uttar Pradesh, etc. Each represents the objectives of Muslims in their particular regional context. Hindu communalism as a sort of organisational unity is not seen in this.

 

Five, compared to Muslim communalism, Hindu communalism has a far stronger ideological base. Its power comes from its ability to identify with Indian nationalism. Muslim communalism, which distinguishes Hindu communalism, can readily slink into claims of Indian nationalism. never be successful; rather, it constantly runs the risk of being stigmatised, like all other minority nationalisms. separatist and anti-national.

 

Sixth, Hindu communal politics now have more power as a result of the way that global politics has transformed. moved. Following the assaults on the World Trade Center buildings in New York City on September 11, 2001, neo-imperialist forces connected Islam with worldwide terrorism, giving the Hindu communal parties a substantial amount of political and intellectual support.

 

4. a) Impact of privatization on the working class

Ans) The New Economic Policy's downsizing initiative has begun. This entails lowering overhead expenses to cut costs. Downsizing essentially entails job losses. Jobs are also viewed as being threatened by privatisation. Employees lose their jobs when sick industries are closed. Retrenchment The post-reform labour market appears to be characterised by voluntary retirement plans and casualization. Employers planning to implement layoffs or closure are subject to a number of reasonable restrictions under the Industrial Disputes Act of 1947. In these situations, the union must receive the proper warning, and the union and management will come up with strategies to safeguard employee employment. These provisions are being altered on the basis of economic reason. Due to a fully developed social security system, downsizing is less unpleasant in industrialised nations. The situation is different in emerging nations like ours. Because of this anxiety, organised labour is against privatisation. According to Ashutosh Varshney, larger privatisation initiatives can only be launched once large-scale retrenchment has been detached from privatisation. Tata Steel acquired OMC Alloys in Orissa in 1991, but productivity increased without any layoffs. Even the Delhi Vidut Board was sold, but no layoffs occurred for the staff.

 

Only the unorganised sector, which currently employs 92% of the labour force, appears to have promise for future employment in this type of situation. Small businesses and independent contractors are both included in the unorganised sector of the economy. Agriculture and related industries, trade, restaurants and hotels, and tourism are the unorganised sectors' principal sources of employment. It also covers social fields like health and education. It also includes construction and transportation. The unorganised sector includes information technology as well. The employment elasticity of the unorganised sector is 3.8 times greater than that of the organised sector. If attention is paid to things like horticulture, floriculture, agroforestry minor irrigation, and watershed development, the agricultural sector may become labor-absorbing. Trade, restaurants, tourism, and information technology are other unorganised sector industries with great employment potential. These areas have experienced rapid development of over 9%.

 

b) Bhoodan movement

Ans) The Bhoodan "land-gift" Movement was started by Acharya Vinoba Bhave in April 1951. The goal of this movement was to persuade the landowner classes to give their extra land to the underprivileged. But the movement utilised a very different approach to achieve this goal than it did to abolish Zamindari. The Sarvodya Samaj of Vinoba Bhave adopted the Gandhian philosophy of non-violent social revolution in the Bhoodan movement. The Vinoba Bhave and his group of supporters walked across the villages asking the wealthy landowners to give up a sixth of their property as bhoodan to be distributed to the landless. Despite the movement's claims to independence, it had the Congress Party's backing. The Congressmen had been persuaded to support the movement by the All India Congress Committee.

 

In the Telangana region of Andhra, in the village of Pochampali, Vinoba Bhave began his Bhoodan experiment. Telangna was chosen, which was noteworthy because the Communist Party of India-led armed peasant insurrection there was still being felt today. After experiencing significant success in Andhra, the movement turned its attention to the nation's north. Bihar and Uttar Pradesh experimented with Bhoodan in the north. This movement was very successful in its early years at receiving and distributing gifts of land. But the movement lost its vigour after the early years of success. The Bhoodan movement struggled with the fact that a significant portion of the given land was unfit for farming. No one wanted to buy such land.

 

1955 saw a new iteration of Vinoba Bhave's experiment known as gram-dan (village-gift). Gandhi believed that God owned the entire earth, which is where the idea first emerged. This movement was started in an Orissan village. The movement claimed that all of the land in the gramme dan villages was owned jointly or equitably. In Orissa, the movement had great success. Later, it was introduced in Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, and Maharashtra. In tribal regions of the nation where class distinction had not yet materialised and where there was no ownership pattern disparity, the campaign was particularly successful. Both bhoodan and gram-dan had ended by the 1960s.

 

5. a) Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha

Ans) Chhattisgarh, which was a part of Madhya Pradesh until 2000 before becoming a state, is most known for its liberation front (Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha), a protest movement that highlights the relationship between government and civil society. This movement shows us that there may be tension between the government and some segments of civil society when those relationships are not always reciprocal or complimentary. Civil society, which separates dominant and subaltern groups, is fundamentally flawed. The "haves"—the wealthy and upper caste groups—form the social base of the State, while the other groups, the "have-nots," are oppressed by both the state and the dominant groups. Society is a fundamentally conflictual and hierarchically organised space. In the guise of a "social movement," this oppressed group protests and opposes both sets of interests—those of the dominant group and the state. The Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha amplifies the somewhat condensed civil society, the apex of which is aligned with the political society. The Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha has provided an alternative in the sense that it demonstrates how a social movement may inspire a fresh approach to modernising and altering society.

 

The development and modernization agenda that deprives the workers in Chhattisgarh of their fundamental rights and exploits them with suffering is at the heart of their resistance. A major development in the socioeconomic sphere occurred with the building of the Bhilai Steel Plant (BSP). Only 10% of the 70,000 labourers required for the plant's informal manual labour under dangerous circumstances were hired. The daily casual worker received inconsistent payments of salaries that were well below the legal minimum wage. Even the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), which raised the issue of poor pay and abusive working conditions, was unable to address the issues faced by casual workers. During this time, Shankar Guha Niyogi, a 1961 BSP engineering apprentice in the coke oven factory, founded the Blast Furnace Action Committee with 16 members and started the management conflict by organising a number of strikes over the pay issue. The Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha's first phase officially began at this point.

 

b) Nature of boundary disputes in India

Ans) India has had a rocky history since ancient times, as it is today. Its constituent geographical units' borders have been evolving throughout time. Although there were periodic changes in geographical boundaries, it was not actually a nation-state as the term is used until the arrival of the British. The British set about establishing and redefining geographical boundaries as part of their own colonial goal, which led to issues that are still being felt today. Even abroad, their effects are noticeable. For instance, India has border issues with China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.

 

This was primarily due to the fact that our colonial rulers prioritised administrative considerations over linguistic, cultural, and other forms of unification in order to achieve simple control. The outcome was a mismatch between people's individual identities and the areas they called home. It was left to the central government of independent India to undo the harm done by the narrow-mindedness and sectarianism of the British colonialists.

 

The constitution gave the right to "establish new states or merge old states or sections of such states or adjust their boundaries in the future" to the national legislature, the Parliament. It may interest you to know that demands for a linguistic reorganisation of states were made even during the tenure of the Constituent Assembly, the specially created and convened body to draught free India's constitution. This was done on the grounds that linguistic similarity is a measure of a common culture and that states established on the basis of a common/unifying language would be more homogenous and thus more conducive to effective governance. However, the need for a linguistic restructuring had been put off at the time since the newly constituted nation might devolve into anarchy and chaos, according to the founding fathers of the Constitution. But shortly after India gained its independence, Jawaharlal Nehru, the country's first prime minister, altered course. Perhaps it believed there was no other option.

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