Assignment Code: MWG-005/AST/TMA-2022-23

Course Code: MWG-005

Assignment Name: Research Methods

Year: 2022-2023

Verification Status: Verified by Professor

Section I Marks 60

Q1. Read all the units of block 2, Units 2 and 3 of Block 3 of your course material . Based on your understanding of these units, choose any ONE of these approaches to carry out a research study on a gender based issue.

Social Survey (no. of respondents 40-50) , ethnography, case study, autobiographical or biographical approach

Your report should have the following sections:

Introduction, Literature Review, Objectives & methodology, sampling design ( if it applies to the chosen approach), tools of data collection, method of analysis, findings and discussion and conclusion.

Ans) Introduction

The constitution of India is based on the principle of equality and guarantees, equality before law and equal protection of its citizens. It not only guarantees fundamental rights and freedom but also prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, race, caste, sex and place of birth. However the question of applicability of these rights needs to be properly addressed as such the issue of gender rights particularly in the political domin has to be interfaced since it involves the many other domains in the society.

The important area were women have been inadequately represented is in the political sphere, Article 325 and 326 of the Indian Constitution guarantee political equality. But the right to equal political representation is still distant reality. The panchayath and urban local bodies do have reservation for women in Parliament and the state legislature have neglected their representation even after 64 years of Indian democracy.

Literature Review

Democracy implies equality for all human persons, men and women. As against this basic notion of democracy what is normally seen is that women are excluded from different walks of life, more visibly in Politics. The U.N. observes that women constitute "world's largest excluded category". For the attainment of true democratic spirtt shall be ensured better political participation. "In the struggle for gender justice", Usha Narayanan argues, "political participation constitutes the first and foremost step in that direction."'.

Equal treatment to women in political life, to be meaningful and effective should start from the grassroots level. To provide training and practice in the process of decision-making, the rural democratic institutions are the ideal structures to begin with. One of the aims of the 731d Constitutional Amendment Act is to accomplish this purpos?. "The question of political empowerment of women in rural India has assumed considerable significance recently because of the 73rd Constitutional Amendmerit Act. The amendment provides reservation of seats and posts of chairperson tor women in all grassroots level democratic institutions in the countryside known as panchayats. This is a historic step of far reaching implications and significant repercussions on the political process in rural india."

"As long as women of lndia",declared Mahatma Gandhi in 1925, "do not take part in public life, therc can be no salvation for the country". He further declared, "As long as women do not come to public life and purify.. .. we are not likely to attain swaraj". "Ever if we did", he added, "it would have no use for that kind of swaraj to which women have not made their full contribution."'. The recent constitutional amendment acts provided greater opportunities to women in various aspects of political life. This chapter seeks to deal with the concept of political participation and role of women in the Indian and Karnataka perspectives.

What is Political Participation?

The study of political partic pation of any society or section of people needs to take into account whether or not it is associated with democratic values. The level and extent of political participation of people may be restricted by the very existence of both natural and man-made inequalities. While it is impossible to overcome natural factors of inequalities, it is possible to overcome man-made inequalities simply by adopting and following of democratic principles and values. The pillars of democracy like liberty, equality, fraternity, justice etc. are strong enough to support and protect the people from the challenges posed by man-made inequalities.

Thus the study of the nature and level of political participation and its resultant empowerment can be e1aluated only on the basis of the availability of democratic values. The presence of the umbrella of democracy is a pre-requisite for the attainment of maximurn extent of participation and empowerment. Empowerment is not characterist:d as achieving power to dominate others, but rather power to act with others to effect change. Political participation is a major component of enipowem?ent. "Research in participation and empowerment links them bi-directionally, empowered individuals may be more likely to participate in organisations, and participation promotes empowerment."

The term political participation generally refers to those voluntary activities of members of a society, in the st:lection of rulers and formation of public policy. Since popular sovereignty is one of the inseparable attributes of democracy, the right to participate is an importmt aspect of democratic government and an inherent right in a democratic proct:ss.

Political participation is .i basic ingredient of every political system. Participation helps the individual to be effective and associates him with the political system. Higher the rate a : dlevels, the more varied the forms of political participation. It is vital to the proper functioning of a democratic polity. The International Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences deiined political participation as the principal means by which consent is granted or withdrawn in a democracy and rulers are made accountable to the ruled.5 It signifies such proceedings like voting, seeking information, discussing and proselytising, attending meetings, contributing financially and communicating with representatives.

1. Usha Narayanan, "Woniel's Political Empowerment: Imperatives and Challenges", Mainstream, April 10, 1999, p.7.

2. PrabhatDatta, Major- Issires in the Development Debate: Lessons in Empowerment form India, Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi, 1998, p.40.Usha Narayanan, op.cit., p:'.

3. S.R. Bakshi, Empower-ment of' Women and Politics of Reservation, Book Enclave, Jaipur, 2002, p.53 International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences Vo1.12, New York, 1968, p.253.

4. Ibid., p.252.

5. Hari Hara Das, 1ntroduc:ion to Political Sociology, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1997, p. 146.

6. Ibid.

7. K. Seshadri, Political Linkages and Rural Development, National Publishing House. New Delhi, 1976, p. 175.

8. Lester W . Milbrath, M.L. Goel, Political Participation: How and Why Do People Get Involved in Politics, Rand Mcnally, Chicago, 1977, p.2.

Objectives

1. To identify the strength and weakness of gender inclusiveness in the political system

2. To define the nature of political representation.

3. To analyze comparatively the role of elected representatives of legislative assembly and council

4. To examine the historical role of women representatives who have been the source of representation to others

Methodology

The definition of political participation and representation encompasses the large area comprising a wide range of activities. The scope of study is limited to addressing women’s participation and representation only in electoral politics.

The political representation for this study has been defined to mean and include participation of women in terms of their numbers. The quality of their participation and the involvement in effective decision making in legislature and the electoral process as candidates elected representatives and constituencies will be the serious issues to be encountered.

Tools of data collection

Information for this study will be primarily collected from secondary sources and has been supplemented with primary information in certain areas. The range from statistics regarding women’s representation in the state legislature. The quantitative information that includes case studies, depats and critics of the women’s participation and representation.

Method of analysis

The scope for analysis from assembly (1951) to fourteenth assembly (2013). At this point I would like to reiterate and emphasis need for generation, data base through micro studies.

Findings and discussion

The constitution of India is based on the principle of Equality and guarantees equality before law and equal protection of its citizens. It not only guarantees Fundamental rights and freedom but also prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion, Race, sex and place of birth. However the question of applicability of these rights Needs to be properly addressed as such the issue of gender rights particularly in the political domain has to be interfaced since it involves many other domains In the society.

The important area were women have been inadequately represented is in Political sphere though article 325 and 326 of the Indian constitution guarantee political equality. But the right to equal political representation is still distant reality. PRI’S do have reservation for women but in parliament and state legislatures even after 65 years of Indian democracy have been negleted.

KARNATAKA LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY

The erstwhile princely state of Mysore under the rule of enlightened Wodeyar's was a progressive state and was harbinger of democratic Governance. The association of people with the administration of the state in an elementary form was started in the eighties of the 19th century. In March 1881 his Highness the Maharaja Sri Chamarajendra Wadiyar assumed powers of the State. The Mysore Representative Assembly was inaugurated in the same year.

The establishment of a deliberative Assembly proposed by the Chief Commissioner of Mysore Mr. J.D. Gordon in 1879 as one of the conditions for transfer of Mysore to the Maharaja was not favoured by the then Government of India. The Chief Commissioner had suggested the formation of deliberative Assembly composed of eminent retired officials, representative of various sections and interests of the people. The Government of India did not favour the constitution of an Assembly as it felt that a deliberative Assembly, with no specific legislative, financial or executive authority possessing only the power of recording opinions which need not be accepted tended, to fall out of repute or develop into greater activity and influence than that might have been originally contemplated. The Viceroy while writing to the Secretary to the State, observed that it might be premature to introduce in the beginning an institution which had not yet been tried in British India.

However, an order for the constitution of the Assembly was issued by the Maharaja on 25th August 1881. The order stated that His Highness the Maharaja was desirous that the views and objects which his Government had in view in the measures adopted for the administration of the province should be better known and appreciated by the people for whose benefit they were intended and that he was of opinion that a beginning towards the attainment of this object might be made by an annual meeting of the representative landholders and merchants from all parts of the Province.

This may be regarded as the Magnacarta of the people of Mysore. It declared for the first time in the whole of the India that it is the duty of Government to set itself right in the eyes of its people. It recognized that it is necessary for a Government to convince the public about the worthiness of its motives and the soundness of its policies. In other words it is clear admission of the principle that a Government should submit itself to judgement and therefore to the guidance of its citizens.

The Representative Assembly met for the first time on 7th October 1881. At the inception it was an Assembly of the representative landholders and merchants from all parts of the province and these were to be selected (1) by the Local Fund Boards from among themselves and others of the district the persons who were to represent them; (2) from each taluk one

or two cultivating holders possessed of general information and influence among the people and (3) three or four leading merchants for each district generally, the attendance at the meeting was voluntary. In 1891 the principle of election was introduced. Persons paying certain revenue or mohatarfa which differed from Taluk to Taluk owners of alienated villages with certain beriz and graduates of Indian University were eligible for voting and for becoming members. The number for each taluk was fixed. The persons qualified under the rules were to meet annually in each taluk and elect from among themselves the number of members allotted to that taluk. The Municipalities and Associations were also allowed to depute representatives. The thinking was so progressive even then that voting right had been given to all those who attained the age of 18 and they could also become members of the Associations, were also to depute representatives. Everyone who had attained the age of 18 could be a voter or become a member. However, the age of a candidate was raised to 21 in 1924 and to 25 in 1940. In 1894 some more alterations were made. Only Municipalities with a population of 5,000 and more were permitted to send representatives. To enlarge the electorate the qualification for voters was fixed at half the land revenue of what was fixed for candidates. Graduates without property qualifications were not allowed to become member. The term of taluk member was fixed at three years and for others one year. In 1918 the disparity in the property qualifications for franchise in different taluks was abolished and uniform rate was prescribed for all taluks. The rate was also reduced. The distinction between the qualification for voting and membership was abolished. In 1919 larger representation was given to Municipalities and the term of office of these members and others whose term was only one year was raised to three years. The Regulation of 1923 fixed the term of the Assembly as three years.

In 1932 the seats in Taluks were readjusted on the basis of population. The system of proportional representation was introduced in 1932 for the election of members from the City Constituencies of Bangalore and Mysore. In 1935 the election of the members of the Assembly to the Legislative Council was discontinued as it was considered unnecessary to make a person member of two Houses.

The Representative Assembly which was constituted in 1881 by an Executive Order continued to function till 1923 when a Regulation was promulgated by the Maharaja under which the Assembly was given a statutory status.

The members of the Assembly were not initially invested with any recognised powers of privileges. But they were not passive listeners of the Dewan's speech. They made observations and suggestions in public interest which met with every consideration. They made useful contribution to the country by watching the working of the administration in all branches and brought to notice the defects and shortcomings.

Members did not have any limitations as to the range of subjects to be discussed. Inquiries were made of all sorts of things from the tenure of the Dewan's Office and the Constitutions of the Council to the mirasi huq of toti and throwing of a dam across a jungle stream of rain water.

The Assembly did not possess the power of voting. Members were representing that every proposed measure of Legislation should in the first instance be placed before the Assembly and its opinion taken thereon. The Government would not bind themselves though they were consulting on all important matters of Legislation. The main feature of the representative Assembly was representation to the Government by members.

Members had been urging from the early nineties of the last Century that a Member of the Assembly should be nominated to the Maharaja's Council. It was only in 1940 the Government agreed for such participation. The Government of Mysore Act, 1940, provided for the Constitution of a Council of Ministers to which the Maharaja would appoint two elected members, one from the Assembly and another from the Legislative Council.

The Dewan, and in his absence the Members of the Executive Council used to preside at the meetings of both the Representative Assembly and the Legislative Council. In 1940, Legislative Council was enabled to elect its own President and Vice-President from among its members to preside at its meeting. But in the case of the Assembly this right was not conceded. The Dewan and in his absence the Members of the Executive

Council continued to preside on the ground a Non-official president being merely an Officer of the House and having no connection with administration, would not be in the same advantageous position to deal with Representation as the Members of the Administration

The need of the hour is to initiate some measures for maintaining adequate women representation in the legislature

• To enact women reservation bill pending in Loksabha immediately.

• To amend 91st constitutional amendment act 2003 to secure 1/3rd representation of women in the 15 percent council of ministers.

• Proper representation of women including Anglo-indian, SC, ST and OBC’s are very much needed.

• To ensure that chief minister must allot important port folios not limiting their functions to women and child development primary education etc.,

• NGO’s to form of women's collectivities, association, co-operatives and union to develop into support structure to strengthen women political participation and representation

The political parties should educate and organize women about right to vote and right to contest election.

conclusion.

The aim of this study was to find out whether rise in the numerical representation of women in political decision-making can lead positive changes in the participation of women so that it can pave the way for political empowerment of women. The study developed a theoretical view on the multiple effects of gender quotas on women empowerment and found out the factors that facilitate and restrain the entry and participation of women in political field. To evaluate the impact of gender quota to the women´s political empowerment nine concepts were prepared which included: Political knowledge, Political interest, Political participation, Political trust, Political contacts, Political protests, Gender role attitude, Public Projects and Confidence. The data of the present study reveals that the gender quota had a very positive impact on the political knowledge of women as most of the elected women representatives have a good knowledge about the political activities and panchayat works and after gaining a good knowledge about political activities these women become more interested in political works. Political knowledge seems to be accompanied with increased levels of women taking interest in politics which is very important for the political empowerment, and in this sense the reservation has had a strong impact on empowerment. The reservation system has also effected positively on women‘s confidence which is an important sign, the not only for politics but for the overall empowerment of women. The system has given a platform to the women to interact with social and political entities, resulting in that they have become more visible and gained the confidence to perform their duties for the betterment of their people. The women reservation system has also been supportive to women in protesting on issues like alcoholism, dowry disputes, divorces and girl- trafficking. But there are some other areas where it seems that reservation has not been very effective. As far as the political participation is concerned, the overall related data in the present study reveals that women are very keen to learn about the participation techniques but that there is still a big gap to be bridged regarding the participation in decision making process. As we can see from the data, the reservation has not resulted in increased political trust in the political parties, although these women have trust for the political system. The reason behind this, as found in the discussion with the women representatives, is a process where political parties are bound to nominate a woman because of reservation and this process resulted in the distrust for the party. Similar result can be found in the category of political contacts where the data shows that the gender quota system seems to be far away from having a positive effect on women`s political contacts.

Section II Marks 40 ( 20x2 = 40)

Answer the following question in about 1000 words. Please don’t exceed the word limit.

Q2. What is understood by multi-disciplinary, interdisciplinary and transdisciplinay research? Explain in which category the research study conducted by you in Q1 falls.

Ans) Concepts of Multidisciplinary, Interdisciplinary and Transdisciplinary as follows:

Multidisciplinarity

Multidisciplinary is the first and most basic level of collaboration between people from different fields who work on a problem in parallel or in order without crossing into each other's fields. In health research, health services, gender studies, social work, education, and policy, working as a team from different fields is becoming more and more important.

Klein says that "multidisciplinarity is a process for putting together disciplines in a way that is additive, not integrative." The different fields' points of view don't change, but they are compared. A painting can be looked at not only from the point of view of art history, but also from the point of view of the history of religion, history, and geometry. The different points of view can be put next to each other to show how similar or different they are.

In a service delivery team made up of people from different fields, each person is only in charge of the tasks related to his or her own field. People from different fields work together on a common problem, but they don't talk to each other much. According to the Gulbenkian Commission, "Area studies" is the best example of a multidisciplinary programme. (Area studies brings together people from different fields in an institutional setting to study a certain geographical or cultural space from different points of view, such as sociology, anthropology, history, and psychology, producing a disciplinary-based understanding of the object of study.) This method is based on the idea that the divisions between the different fields of social sciences are not natural.

So, a multidisciplinary approach leads to new understanding by adapting and changing existing concepts, methods, and theoretical frameworks within a discipline and borrowing ideas from other disciplines. It uses knowledge from different fields without openly breaking the rules of any one field.

Interdisciplinarity

Interdisciplinary means that different ideas, methods, and ways of knowing from different fields are combined or derived to create new insights and understandings of a problem domain. Interdisciplinary is when two or more fields of study come together to create a new level of conversation and integration of knowledge. For example, when nuclear physics and medicine are put together, a new way to treat cancer is made possible. People often think of political science as the "junction subject" of the social sciences. It grew out of history and philosophy, but it also uses what we know from related fields like economics and sociology, and to some extent, law, psychology, and geography. Interdisciplinary work in the social sciences is helped by the fact that people from different fields are willing to share ideas and concepts with each other.

Researchers from different fields work together to solve a problem in an interdisciplinary project. They talk to each other more often and get to know each other better. (Rosenfield 1992). In interdisciplinary research, ideas and methods are openly shared and mixed, which makes both fields stronger. Interdisciplinarity, then, is the interaction between two or more different fields, and it happens where the fields meet. This can include anything from sharing ideas to the full integration of ideas, methods, procedures, theory, terminology, data, the organisation of research and training, and so on.

Transdisciplinarity

The transdisciplinary approach comes up with big-picture plans that put individual fields last and look at how whole systems work. Transdisciplinary teams use a common conceptual framework to bring together theories, ideas, and methods from different fields to solve a common problem. So, it is a whole-person approach. Marxism and structuralism are the best examples of this way of looking at things. Intradisciplinary researchers from different fields not only work closely together for a long time on a common problem, but they also make a shared mental model of the problem that combines and goes beyond their own fields of study.  Multi-disciplinarity, interdisciplinarity, and transdisciplinarity are all ways that people from different fields work together. The interdisciplinary approach is the most common way to design and carry out research projects.

The research study identified above has been worked on using the transdisciplinary method.

Q3. Explain the importance of film studies and digital and new media studies from a gender perspective.

Ans) Importance of film studies and digital and new media studies explained below:

Film Studies

Films are a form of representation, so it makes sense that feminists would also want to study them. In the first stage of feminist film studies, it was shown that the camera was not just a harmless way to record what was out there, as if it were natural. Instead, they show that the camera is a point of view that is hidden. It shows things, but it can't be seen in the finished film. The camera is a point of view, and it shows the "naturalised" world of the dominant order through the film. It builds and keeps up structures of identification, desire, and ambition, in which the audience takes part because of a strong popular appeal. It shows how the goals of one part of society are the same as the goals of progress and well-being for everyone. In other words, it is just one more thing that the dominant order can use to help its cause. But in the post-structuralist world of today, it must be possible to find ways that representations can't include all possible responses from an audience.

Let's look at how Film Scholars have looked at parts of Bollywood to help us learn more about how Film Studies and Feminism are related. "Masala" is another word for regular movies. It could be talking about the movie or the process of making it. Masala, which is a mix of spices, has an interesting name. It seems to say that they spice up the viewer's life, or that they provide entertainment that isn't in the main dish, which is life. So, movies point toward fantasy. This seems to say that realism and arthouse movies show reality as it is, while masala movies are more like a fantasy escape. This difference is too simple and blunt, and it doesn't take into account the theoretical points that were brought up in the last sentence.

Songs have also been looked at in terms of how they hint at elements of desire in the storey that can only be shown through operatic means like music and dance. The most important thing that songs have said is that they want to be with someone. By using tropes like "monsoon," "moon," and so on, you can talk about desire in a way that people will understand. In the film, which is already a work of fiction, the song helps to create a space where a man and a woman can express their sexual desire for each other, often outside of marriage. So, it's clear that this allusion is a trick, maybe even a way to get what you want but can't have anywhere else. There are a lot of objective correlations in songs, and they are highly-coded paradigms that we can use to figure out what a movie is trying to say. In India, songs have a life after the movie, since a movie might not be very popular but its songs might be. In the 1970s and 1980s, people also thought that great music was the key to a super-hit movie. Songs can be played on the radio, at cultural events, and other places on their own, and they often do. So, a film can be seen not as a single project but as one with multiple, layered messages that don't always come through but do sometimes, to certain audiences in certain places. Even the category of "auteur" is not a single thing, especially in Indian cinema, where the choreographer, music director, and star actors all have important roles in making the final product.

Feminists can find these messages by looking at movies and songs as cultural businesses and pieces of culture. Even though the female body in the song may be aimed at men as an object of desire, her expression of desire within the frame can become a way of expressing herself or get contained in the male-gaze meta-frame. Is it safe to say that more feminist films deal with social and political issues? No, not always. Even if a movie avoids one kind of stereotype, it might still fall for another. Also, it's possible that critically aware films offer a cathartic model that eases storey worries but doesn't offer "real" solutions. It's easy to say that feminist research can also study films, but it's harder to say if films and film studies can help the feminist cause. Feminist Film Studies, on the other hand, opens up a way to study how people make and use popular culture.

Our knowledge of the world comes from the people around us. This post-structuralist way of thinking has also had an effect on film studies. Some critics have also said that these post-ideological changes make it harder to get the most out of popular forms of culture. Since we think that representation is the only reality and that we can't get to the real, the language we use to talk about ourselves will always keep us apart.

Digital and New Media Studies

Digital and New Media Studies is a new field that looks at the many effects of globalisation and how the media is changing because of digital, interactive, consumer-focused technology. Marshall McLuhan's ideas about the "global village" and "the medium is the message" were ahead of their time. These ideas are at the centre of New Media Studies. Participatory social media practises, real-time influence, the relationship between voice and protest, etc., are all revolutionary ideas that traditional social orders have had to acknowledge and take into account. From the blue bra becoming a symbol of democracy to the Egyptian uprising and the pink chaddi campaign in India, the role of new media in radically democratic, participatory, and inclusive movements is becoming clear. Even though the field is just starting out, it is already resonating with the feminist cause, and it is likely that future developments will build on this strong link.